Redacción Internacional, 10 oct (EFE).- La Asamblea unicameral de Guinea Ecuatorial ha aprobado por mayoría el idioma portugués como tercera lengua oficial, informaron hoy fuentes oficiales ecuatoguineanas.
A excepción de Plácido Micó, secretario general y diputado por el partido Convergencia para la Democracia Social (CPDS), el resto de los 99 parlamentarios, aceptaron la propuesta defendida por el ministro Delegado de Asuntos Exteriores, Cooperación y Francofonía, Eustaquio Nseng Esono.
Nseng Esono indicó a los diputados que el anteproyecto de ley por el que se reconoce el portugués como idioma oficial es "una decisión política que está justificada por los vínculos culturales y estratégicos que unen Guinea Ecuatorial con países lusófonos".
Recordó que "la inclusión de esta nueva lengua con los idiomas oficiales como español y francés, responde a los lineamientos estratégicos del ministerio de Exteriores para avanzar en el mundo globalizado".
Aseguró asimismo que se trata de "romper con el aislamiento que tanto ha perjudicado a Guinea Ecuatorial en las relaciones internacionales tradicionales".
El francés fue el primer idioma que la Cámara de Representantes del Pueblo aprobó como segundo en el país en septiembre de 1997, dentro del "contexto de las relaciones internacionales de Guinea Ecuatorial" y para su "integración completa", en una zona de África mayoritariamente francófona, según justificó el presidente del país, Teodoro Obiang.
El francés es "idioma de trabajo" desde la integración de Guinea Ecuatorial, en 1985, en la Unión Aduanera y Económica de los Estados del África Central (UDEAC), actual Comunidad Económica y Monetaria de África Centra (CEMAC) y en el Banco de los Estados de África Central (BEAC), dos instituciones respaldadas por el Gobierno de Francia. EFE
segunda-feira, 10 de outubro de 2011
A miragem de que o Egipto mudou
La primavera de Egipto acabó con Hosni Mubarak, sus dos hijos y con los ministros más evidentemente corruptos; el resto del régimen sigue en pie, intacto, con el mariscal de campo Mohamed Husein Tantaui al frente de una junta de generales. No hubo juicios a los militares que reprimieron y torturaron. La salida de Mubarak del poder en febrero creó la ilusión del cambio.
Los gravísimos incidentes de ayer, al menos 24 muertos y más de 200 heridos, durante una manifestación de la minoría copta (10% de la población) en el barrio de Maspero de El Cairo muestran la fragilidad de la situación. A la marcha del domingo se sumaron cientos de personas no coptas descontentas por la lentitud del cambio. Los coptos acusan al Ejército de violencia indiscriminada. Hay vídeos que lo demuestran, como estos publicados en el 3Arabwy. La crónica de Associated Press firmada por Maggie Michael, muy criticada en Twitter, ofrece una versión diferente: los manifestantes también atacaron a los militares. Ahran Online denuncia el asalto a una televisión para censurar un programa de debate.
En The Arabist, uno de los blogs de referencia en la zona, acusa a la televisión estatal de haber actuado como en los tiempos de Mubarak, manipulando la información. También advierte del creciente radicalismo de algunos jóvenes musulmanes que gritaban consignas anticoptas y da cuenta de agresiones a esta minoría. La BBC ofrece un mapa de los cristianos en Oriente Próximo, que han sufrido ataques, sobre todo en Irak. El diario libanés The Daily Star se centra en el peligro de choques sectarios, aunque la crónica de su corresponsal cuenta que una marcha pacífica fue atacada por los militares.
The New York Times asegura que se trata de los incidentes más graves desde febrero, peores que el ataque a la embajada israelí. Jack Shenker en el británico The Guardian informa de que los incidentes son parte de un descontento general, de musulmanes y cristianos contra el régimen militar. También publica una galería de fotos y acusa a los militares de uso excesivo de la fuerza.
Ramón Lobo/El País
Los gravísimos incidentes de ayer, al menos 24 muertos y más de 200 heridos, durante una manifestación de la minoría copta (10% de la población) en el barrio de Maspero de El Cairo muestran la fragilidad de la situación. A la marcha del domingo se sumaron cientos de personas no coptas descontentas por la lentitud del cambio. Los coptos acusan al Ejército de violencia indiscriminada. Hay vídeos que lo demuestran, como estos publicados en el 3Arabwy. La crónica de Associated Press firmada por Maggie Michael, muy criticada en Twitter, ofrece una versión diferente: los manifestantes también atacaron a los militares. Ahran Online denuncia el asalto a una televisión para censurar un programa de debate.
En The Arabist, uno de los blogs de referencia en la zona, acusa a la televisión estatal de haber actuado como en los tiempos de Mubarak, manipulando la información. También advierte del creciente radicalismo de algunos jóvenes musulmanes que gritaban consignas anticoptas y da cuenta de agresiones a esta minoría. La BBC ofrece un mapa de los cristianos en Oriente Próximo, que han sufrido ataques, sobre todo en Irak. El diario libanés The Daily Star se centra en el peligro de choques sectarios, aunque la crónica de su corresponsal cuenta que una marcha pacífica fue atacada por los militares.
The New York Times asegura que se trata de los incidentes más graves desde febrero, peores que el ataque a la embajada israelí. Jack Shenker en el británico The Guardian informa de que los incidentes son parte de un descontento general, de musulmanes y cristianos contra el régimen militar. También publica una galería de fotos y acusa a los militares de uso excesivo de la fuerza.
Ramón Lobo/El País
domingo, 9 de outubro de 2011
Integralismo islâmico ameaça a Tunísia
Le siège de la télévision privée tunisienne Nessma a été pris d'assaut par près de 300 salafistes, dimanche 9 octobre, en raison de la diffusion, vendredi, du film Persepolis et d'un débat sur l'intégrisme religieux. "Les salafistes, rejoints ensuite par une centaine d'autres personnes, se sont dirigées vers Nessma pour attaquer la chaîne. Les forces de l'ordre sont intervenues et ont dispersé les assaillants", a annoncé le ministère de l'intérieur.
"Après la diffusion de Persepolis il y a eu des appels sur Facebook à brûler Nessma et à tuer les journalistes, a raconté le président de la chaîne, Nebil Karoui. Nous sommes habitués aux menaces mais ce qui est grave c'est que cette fois-ci ils sont passés aux actes. Nessma est la chaîne moderniste du Maghreb, on ne se laissera pas intimider et nous continuerons à diffuser les films qu'on veut. On n'a pas chassé une dictature pour revenir à une autre"
La police protège désormais le siège de la chaîne. Plusieurs journalistes de Nessma ont fait part de leur vive inquiétude, certains craignant que les autres locaux de la chaîne en région soient également ciblés. Cette attaque menée par des intégristes intervient au lendemain de l'invasion par des hommes armés de la faculté de lettre de Sousse, après le refus d'inscription d'une étudiante en niqab.
A 15 JOURS DES ÉLECTIONS
Pour une cadre de la chaîne, citée anonymement par l'AFP, cette attaque doit inciter les Tunisiens à se rendre aux urnes. "J'espère que ce genre d'événement va pousser les citoyens indécis à aller voter le 23 octobre, car le danger (intégriste) est imminent", a-t-elle ajouté. Il s'agira du premier scrutin en Tunisie depuis la chute de Ben Ali le 14 janvier. Les Tunisiens sont appelés à élire une assemblée constituante, un scrutin où les islamistes d'Ennahda sont considérés comme les grands favoris.
Le parti Ennahda s'était publiquement démarqué des salafistes – dont le parti Tahrir n'a pas été légalisé – après l'attaque, fin juillet, d'un cinéma de Tunis qui avait diffusé un film de Nadia El-Fani sur la laïcité. Dimanche, un de ses responsables a condamné cette nouvelle attaque. "On ne peut que condamner ce genre d'incident. Il ne faut pas brouiller les cartes et les gens doivent garder leur calme. Si les gens ont des critiques à faire contre Nessma, ils doivent s'exprimer dans la presse, pas utiliser la violence", a dit Samir Dilou, membre du bureau politique d'Ennahda, qualifiant ces attaques "d'actes isolés".
Une manifestation contre l'interdiction du voile intégral chez les femmes à l'université a donné lieu, dimanche, à des affrontements à Tunis entre policiers et manifestants islamistes. Quant à Persepolis, dont c'était la première diffusion en arabe dialectal tunisien, il sera à nouveau à l'antenne de Nessma mardi soir.
Le Monde
+++ É importante notar que a Tunísia fica a uns meros 250 quilómetros das ilhas da Sardenha e da Sicília, ambas italianas.
"Après la diffusion de Persepolis il y a eu des appels sur Facebook à brûler Nessma et à tuer les journalistes, a raconté le président de la chaîne, Nebil Karoui. Nous sommes habitués aux menaces mais ce qui est grave c'est que cette fois-ci ils sont passés aux actes. Nessma est la chaîne moderniste du Maghreb, on ne se laissera pas intimider et nous continuerons à diffuser les films qu'on veut. On n'a pas chassé une dictature pour revenir à une autre"
La police protège désormais le siège de la chaîne. Plusieurs journalistes de Nessma ont fait part de leur vive inquiétude, certains craignant que les autres locaux de la chaîne en région soient également ciblés. Cette attaque menée par des intégristes intervient au lendemain de l'invasion par des hommes armés de la faculté de lettre de Sousse, après le refus d'inscription d'une étudiante en niqab.
A 15 JOURS DES ÉLECTIONS
Pour une cadre de la chaîne, citée anonymement par l'AFP, cette attaque doit inciter les Tunisiens à se rendre aux urnes. "J'espère que ce genre d'événement va pousser les citoyens indécis à aller voter le 23 octobre, car le danger (intégriste) est imminent", a-t-elle ajouté. Il s'agira du premier scrutin en Tunisie depuis la chute de Ben Ali le 14 janvier. Les Tunisiens sont appelés à élire une assemblée constituante, un scrutin où les islamistes d'Ennahda sont considérés comme les grands favoris.
Le parti Ennahda s'était publiquement démarqué des salafistes – dont le parti Tahrir n'a pas été légalisé – après l'attaque, fin juillet, d'un cinéma de Tunis qui avait diffusé un film de Nadia El-Fani sur la laïcité. Dimanche, un de ses responsables a condamné cette nouvelle attaque. "On ne peut que condamner ce genre d'incident. Il ne faut pas brouiller les cartes et les gens doivent garder leur calme. Si les gens ont des critiques à faire contre Nessma, ils doivent s'exprimer dans la presse, pas utiliser la violence", a dit Samir Dilou, membre du bureau politique d'Ennahda, qualifiant ces attaques "d'actes isolés".
Une manifestation contre l'interdiction du voile intégral chez les femmes à l'université a donné lieu, dimanche, à des affrontements à Tunis entre policiers et manifestants islamistes. Quant à Persepolis, dont c'était la première diffusion en arabe dialectal tunisien, il sera à nouveau à l'antenne de Nessma mardi soir.
Le Monde
+++ É importante notar que a Tunísia fica a uns meros 250 quilómetros das ilhas da Sardenha e da Sicília, ambas italianas.
sábado, 8 de outubro de 2011
O importante é o petróleo
Quand Kadhafi était un ami : Cet or noir dans le viseur de Hillary
Par Manlio Dinucci
Le 13 mars 2011
ilmanifesto.it
« Je suis très contente de souhaiter la bienvenue au ministre Kadhafi ici, au Département d'Etat. Nous apprécions profondément les relations entre Etats-Unis et Libye. Nous avons de nombreuses opportunités pour approfondir et élargir notre coopération. Et je désire ardemment développer nos relations. Donc, Monsieur le ministre, je vous souhaite la plus chaleureuse bienvenue » : avec ces mots, le 21 avril 2009, la secrétaire d'Etat Hillary Clinton accueillait Moutassim Kadhafi, en habits de conseiller pour la sécurité nationale. Et se faisait photographier tandis qu'elle lui serrait chaleureusement la main entre les drapeaux étasunien et libyen. Sans d'ailleurs se préoccuper de la très mauvaise réputation de Moutassim, riche playboy international et violent avec sa femme.
Moins de deux années plus tard, cette même Clinton « découvre » que Kadhafi et sa famille sont à la tête d'une dictature et elle demande leur immédiate destitution au nom de la « démocratie ». Qu'est-ce qui a changé ? Les relations avec la Libye, à l'évidence, n'ont pas été ce qu'on aurait voulu à Washington. Surtout en ce qui concerne l'accès des multinationales étasuniennes à l'or noir libyen.
La Libye possède des réserves de pétrole estimées à environ 60 milliards de barils, les plus grandes d'Afrique, le double des réserves étasuniennes (voir“Operation Libya" and the Battle for Oil: Redrawing the Map of Africa, Michel Chossudovsky, Global Research, 9 mars 2011). Les coûts d'extraction sont parmi les plus bas du monde : à peine plus d'un dollar le baril vendu à plus de 100 dollars sur les marchés internationaux. La Libye possède en outre des réserves de gaz naturel estimées à environ 1.500 milliards de m3. Les compagnies qui ont eu les contrats les plus avantageux auprès de la National Oil Corporation libyenne sont européennes, dont l'Eni (Ente nazionale idrocarburi, Société nationale des hydrocarbures, NdT), chinoises et russes. Les étasuniennes sont restées par contre à la marge ou ont perdu du terrain. Chevron et Occidental Petroleum, qui s'occupaient de la prospection des gisements de pétrole et de gaz, ont décidé en octobre 2010 de ne pas renouveler leurs contrats. Dont s'est accaparée un mois plus tard la compagnie allemande R.W. Dia.
Quand immédiatement après a éclaté la révolte populaire en Afrique du Nord, l'alarme s'est déclenchée à Washington : les Etats-Unis risquaient de voir sortir de leur sphère d'influence des pays d'importance stratégique comme l'Egypte. C'est alors que le président Obama a fait pression pour une « transition ordonnée et pacifique » en Egypte qui, mettant de côté le désormais insoutenable Moubarak, transférât le pouvoir aux sommets des forces armées très étroitement liées aux USA.
Quand par contre a éclaté en Libye la révolte populaire contre le régime de Kadhafi, qui s'est ensuite transformée en guerre civile après la fracture du groupe dirigeant (déjà préparée), l'administration Obama a jeté de l'huile sur le feu en préparant les conditions pour l'intervention militaire USA/OTAN, demandée en particulier par H. Clinton. La secrétaire d'Etat rencontrera la semaine prochaine Mustafa Abd al Jalil, ex-ministre de la justice chez Kadhafi, aujourd'hui président de l'organe politique des rebelles. Si émerge un « gouvernement représentatif » en Libye -a annoncé à Washington le conseiller pour la sécurité nationale Tom Donilon- les Etats-Unis lui transféreront les 32 milliards de dollars confisqués au régime de Kadhafi, que Washington garde « en dépôt pour l'avenir de la Libye ».
Un avenir -celui qu'on a en tête à Washington mais aussi à Paris et à Londres- où ce soient les Etats-Unis et les plus grandes puissances européennes, surtout France et Grande-Bretagne, qui aient en main la richesse énergétique libyenne, de préférence à travers la privatisation de la compagnie pétrolière nationale. Ils pourraient ainsi contrôler le robinet énergétique, dont l'Europe dépend en grande partie et auquel s'approvisionne aussi de façon croissante la Chine. Dans ce cas, n'importe quel gouvernement libyen serait défini comme « représentatif » et aurait l'attestation « démocratique ». C'est au peuple libyen qu'il revient de conquérir son propre avenir de démocratie et indépendance.
Edition de dimanche 13 mars de il manifesto
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/13-Marzo-2011/art40.php3
Par Manlio Dinucci
Le 13 mars 2011
ilmanifesto.it
« Je suis très contente de souhaiter la bienvenue au ministre Kadhafi ici, au Département d'Etat. Nous apprécions profondément les relations entre Etats-Unis et Libye. Nous avons de nombreuses opportunités pour approfondir et élargir notre coopération. Et je désire ardemment développer nos relations. Donc, Monsieur le ministre, je vous souhaite la plus chaleureuse bienvenue » : avec ces mots, le 21 avril 2009, la secrétaire d'Etat Hillary Clinton accueillait Moutassim Kadhafi, en habits de conseiller pour la sécurité nationale. Et se faisait photographier tandis qu'elle lui serrait chaleureusement la main entre les drapeaux étasunien et libyen. Sans d'ailleurs se préoccuper de la très mauvaise réputation de Moutassim, riche playboy international et violent avec sa femme.
Moins de deux années plus tard, cette même Clinton « découvre » que Kadhafi et sa famille sont à la tête d'une dictature et elle demande leur immédiate destitution au nom de la « démocratie ». Qu'est-ce qui a changé ? Les relations avec la Libye, à l'évidence, n'ont pas été ce qu'on aurait voulu à Washington. Surtout en ce qui concerne l'accès des multinationales étasuniennes à l'or noir libyen.
La Libye possède des réserves de pétrole estimées à environ 60 milliards de barils, les plus grandes d'Afrique, le double des réserves étasuniennes (voir“Operation Libya" and the Battle for Oil: Redrawing the Map of Africa, Michel Chossudovsky, Global Research, 9 mars 2011). Les coûts d'extraction sont parmi les plus bas du monde : à peine plus d'un dollar le baril vendu à plus de 100 dollars sur les marchés internationaux. La Libye possède en outre des réserves de gaz naturel estimées à environ 1.500 milliards de m3. Les compagnies qui ont eu les contrats les plus avantageux auprès de la National Oil Corporation libyenne sont européennes, dont l'Eni (Ente nazionale idrocarburi, Société nationale des hydrocarbures, NdT), chinoises et russes. Les étasuniennes sont restées par contre à la marge ou ont perdu du terrain. Chevron et Occidental Petroleum, qui s'occupaient de la prospection des gisements de pétrole et de gaz, ont décidé en octobre 2010 de ne pas renouveler leurs contrats. Dont s'est accaparée un mois plus tard la compagnie allemande R.W. Dia.
Quand immédiatement après a éclaté la révolte populaire en Afrique du Nord, l'alarme s'est déclenchée à Washington : les Etats-Unis risquaient de voir sortir de leur sphère d'influence des pays d'importance stratégique comme l'Egypte. C'est alors que le président Obama a fait pression pour une « transition ordonnée et pacifique » en Egypte qui, mettant de côté le désormais insoutenable Moubarak, transférât le pouvoir aux sommets des forces armées très étroitement liées aux USA.
Quand par contre a éclaté en Libye la révolte populaire contre le régime de Kadhafi, qui s'est ensuite transformée en guerre civile après la fracture du groupe dirigeant (déjà préparée), l'administration Obama a jeté de l'huile sur le feu en préparant les conditions pour l'intervention militaire USA/OTAN, demandée en particulier par H. Clinton. La secrétaire d'Etat rencontrera la semaine prochaine Mustafa Abd al Jalil, ex-ministre de la justice chez Kadhafi, aujourd'hui président de l'organe politique des rebelles. Si émerge un « gouvernement représentatif » en Libye -a annoncé à Washington le conseiller pour la sécurité nationale Tom Donilon- les Etats-Unis lui transféreront les 32 milliards de dollars confisqués au régime de Kadhafi, que Washington garde « en dépôt pour l'avenir de la Libye ».
Un avenir -celui qu'on a en tête à Washington mais aussi à Paris et à Londres- où ce soient les Etats-Unis et les plus grandes puissances européennes, surtout France et Grande-Bretagne, qui aient en main la richesse énergétique libyenne, de préférence à travers la privatisation de la compagnie pétrolière nationale. Ils pourraient ainsi contrôler le robinet énergétique, dont l'Europe dépend en grande partie et auquel s'approvisionne aussi de façon croissante la Chine. Dans ce cas, n'importe quel gouvernement libyen serait défini comme « représentatif » et aurait l'attestation « démocratique ». C'est au peuple libyen qu'il revient de conquérir son propre avenir de démocratie et indépendance.
Edition de dimanche 13 mars de il manifesto
http://www.ilmanifesto.it/Quotidiano-archivio/13-Marzo-2011/art40.php3
quarta-feira, 5 de outubro de 2011
O combate ao Presidente sírio está a ser difícil
Se na Líbia a intervenção da Força Aérea dos países da NATO foi fundamental para conseguir que os rebeldes entrassem em Tripoli e de lá escorraçassem o coronel Muammar Khadafi, na Síria poderá ser qualquer outra intervenção militar estrangeira, nomeadamente turca, a fazer com que se cumpram, entre outros, os desígnios dos Estados Unidos e da União Europeia: que o Presidente Bashar al-Assad seja afastado do poder.
As intervenções estrangeiras poderão ser significativas no desenvolvimento daquilo a que se convencionou chamar a Primavera Árabe, o movimento surgido no início deste ano com o objectivo aparente de democratizar os países que se situam entre Tunes e Damasco. Correr de lá com autocratas e permitir a recomposição da paisagem política, muito mais de acordo com os valores prevalecentes na maior parte da Europa e das Américas.
Os Estados Unidos, a Turquia e Israel gostariam muito de ver afastado Bashar al-Assad, aliado da República Islâmica do Irão e patrocinador do grupo armado libanês Hezbollah, uma das faces menos agradáveis do Islão contemporâneo, uma comunidade composta por mais de mil milhões de seres humanos, mas que apresenta numerosas facetas.
O actual Presidente e seu pai, Hafez al-Assad, totalizam 41 anos de governação sobre um vasto território que se estende a sul da Turquia e a leste do Mar Mediterrâneo, do Líbano e de Israel. Os Al-Assad levam quase tanto tempo de poder quanto o tiveram o coronel Khadafi e os filhos que ele foi criando para o perpetuarem à frente do seu sonho, hoje praticamente transformado em pesadelo.
Quatro décadas é demasiado tempo para que uma só família domine um espaço que é duas vezes o de Portugal e que, a sul e a leste, faz fronteiras com a Jordânia e o Iraque. Daí que muita gente, dentro e fora da Síria, esteja ansiosa por uma mudança de regime, mesmo que a curto prazo isso possa significar o caos cívico e político. Numa terra onde a oposição poderá estar, se possível for, ainda mais desorganizada do que aquela que na Líbia se congregou sob o nome de Conselho Nacional de Transição.
Um complexo mosaico
Se a maioria da população da Síria é árabe, também lá há curdos, arménios, assírios (de língua aramaica e religião cristã), beduínos e uma pequena minoria muçulmana oriunda do Cáucaso e para ali transferida durante o Império Otomano; império esse de que a Turquia actual ainda tem saudades.
Do lado islâmico, os sírios dividem-se em sunitas, alauítas, druzos, ismaelitas, xiitas e até mesmo yézidis, aos quais algumas pessoas menos informadas chamam "adoradores do diabo". E na parte cristã, que representa 13 por cento da população, há gregos católicos ou melquitas, católicos sírios, maronitas, caldeus, latinos, gregos ortodoxos, arménios gregorianos, sírios ortodoxos, nestorianos e protestantes.
Como se vê, um conjunto bastante heterogéneo, que até poderia ter constituído uma forte riqueza civilizacional se a família política dirigente tivesse procedido a reformas na devida altura, sem deixar as coisas chegar ao que chegaram, com a perspectiva da eventual derrota dos alauítas de Al-Assad significar um imenso caos, de Alepo a Palmira e de Hama e Homs até Damasco e Kuneitra.
Estes alauítas que estão no poder, do Partido Baas, ou Baath, significam apenas 12 por cento da população; e só lá se conseguiram aguentar com o apoio das Forças Armadas, das quais poderá depender agora o seu descalabro, se acaso em algumas unidades se desenvolver algo de equiparável ao movimento de capitães que culminou em Portugal no 25 de Abril de 1974.
Processo longo
Apertada entre as pressões da Turquia, da Arábia Saudita e do Irão, a questão síria poderá levar ainda muito tempo a resolver, não se tornando as coisas muito líquidas antes do fim deste ano. Até porque primeiro, talvez, terá de se ver bem como é que estão a evoluir a Tunísia, o Egipto e a Líbia, os três primeiros patamares da Primavera Árabe de 2011, uma Primavera que tarda em dar frutos minimamente apetecíveis.
Se daqui a alguns meses caírem os pilares alauítas do regime de Bashar al-Assad, a Síria (tal como o Bahrein o está a ser) poderá transformar-se a médio prazo num enorme campo de batalha entre os xiitas iranianos e os sunitas sauditas, tão queridos da Casa Branca e do Pentágono.
O carácter autoritário do Estado sírio acentuou-se nos últimos tempos, quando muitos dos simpatizantes da causa democratizadora teriam esperado reformas, as reformas ansiadas e até mesmo prometidas desde a altura em que Bashar sucedeu a Hafez al-Assad. E assim se está a malograr mais uma experiência que poderia ter sido interessante, há alguns anos, quando a estrada de Damasco era uma via segura para o nacionalismo árabe e para o apoio à resistência palestiniana contra a ocupação israelita da Cisjordânia e da Faixa de Gaza.
O médico oftalmologista Bashar al-Assad não teve visão suficiente para evitar o levantamento popular que está a acontecer, deixou que a Armada do seu país bombardeasse inclusive um acampamento de refugiados palestinianos, dos palestinianos que a Síria sempre disse ajudar, e arrisca-se agora a ter um fim bem triste.
As forças progressistas que têm sido assinaladas em países muçulmanos, desde a Tunísia ao Médio Oriente, ainda terão um longo caminho a percorrer, um caminho de muitos anos, até que os seus anseios democráticos se possam enfim concretizar. Será que algum dia isso irá acontecer? Insha'Allah! (Deus queira)...
JH http://www.alem-mar.org/cgi-bin/quickregister/scripts/redirect.cgi?redirect=EFEZyVuVFZJTOZpyKA
As intervenções estrangeiras poderão ser significativas no desenvolvimento daquilo a que se convencionou chamar a Primavera Árabe, o movimento surgido no início deste ano com o objectivo aparente de democratizar os países que se situam entre Tunes e Damasco. Correr de lá com autocratas e permitir a recomposição da paisagem política, muito mais de acordo com os valores prevalecentes na maior parte da Europa e das Américas.
Os Estados Unidos, a Turquia e Israel gostariam muito de ver afastado Bashar al-Assad, aliado da República Islâmica do Irão e patrocinador do grupo armado libanês Hezbollah, uma das faces menos agradáveis do Islão contemporâneo, uma comunidade composta por mais de mil milhões de seres humanos, mas que apresenta numerosas facetas.
O actual Presidente e seu pai, Hafez al-Assad, totalizam 41 anos de governação sobre um vasto território que se estende a sul da Turquia e a leste do Mar Mediterrâneo, do Líbano e de Israel. Os Al-Assad levam quase tanto tempo de poder quanto o tiveram o coronel Khadafi e os filhos que ele foi criando para o perpetuarem à frente do seu sonho, hoje praticamente transformado em pesadelo.
Quatro décadas é demasiado tempo para que uma só família domine um espaço que é duas vezes o de Portugal e que, a sul e a leste, faz fronteiras com a Jordânia e o Iraque. Daí que muita gente, dentro e fora da Síria, esteja ansiosa por uma mudança de regime, mesmo que a curto prazo isso possa significar o caos cívico e político. Numa terra onde a oposição poderá estar, se possível for, ainda mais desorganizada do que aquela que na Líbia se congregou sob o nome de Conselho Nacional de Transição.
Um complexo mosaico
Se a maioria da população da Síria é árabe, também lá há curdos, arménios, assírios (de língua aramaica e religião cristã), beduínos e uma pequena minoria muçulmana oriunda do Cáucaso e para ali transferida durante o Império Otomano; império esse de que a Turquia actual ainda tem saudades.
Do lado islâmico, os sírios dividem-se em sunitas, alauítas, druzos, ismaelitas, xiitas e até mesmo yézidis, aos quais algumas pessoas menos informadas chamam "adoradores do diabo". E na parte cristã, que representa 13 por cento da população, há gregos católicos ou melquitas, católicos sírios, maronitas, caldeus, latinos, gregos ortodoxos, arménios gregorianos, sírios ortodoxos, nestorianos e protestantes.
Como se vê, um conjunto bastante heterogéneo, que até poderia ter constituído uma forte riqueza civilizacional se a família política dirigente tivesse procedido a reformas na devida altura, sem deixar as coisas chegar ao que chegaram, com a perspectiva da eventual derrota dos alauítas de Al-Assad significar um imenso caos, de Alepo a Palmira e de Hama e Homs até Damasco e Kuneitra.
Estes alauítas que estão no poder, do Partido Baas, ou Baath, significam apenas 12 por cento da população; e só lá se conseguiram aguentar com o apoio das Forças Armadas, das quais poderá depender agora o seu descalabro, se acaso em algumas unidades se desenvolver algo de equiparável ao movimento de capitães que culminou em Portugal no 25 de Abril de 1974.
Processo longo
Apertada entre as pressões da Turquia, da Arábia Saudita e do Irão, a questão síria poderá levar ainda muito tempo a resolver, não se tornando as coisas muito líquidas antes do fim deste ano. Até porque primeiro, talvez, terá de se ver bem como é que estão a evoluir a Tunísia, o Egipto e a Líbia, os três primeiros patamares da Primavera Árabe de 2011, uma Primavera que tarda em dar frutos minimamente apetecíveis.
Se daqui a alguns meses caírem os pilares alauítas do regime de Bashar al-Assad, a Síria (tal como o Bahrein o está a ser) poderá transformar-se a médio prazo num enorme campo de batalha entre os xiitas iranianos e os sunitas sauditas, tão queridos da Casa Branca e do Pentágono.
O carácter autoritário do Estado sírio acentuou-se nos últimos tempos, quando muitos dos simpatizantes da causa democratizadora teriam esperado reformas, as reformas ansiadas e até mesmo prometidas desde a altura em que Bashar sucedeu a Hafez al-Assad. E assim se está a malograr mais uma experiência que poderia ter sido interessante, há alguns anos, quando a estrada de Damasco era uma via segura para o nacionalismo árabe e para o apoio à resistência palestiniana contra a ocupação israelita da Cisjordânia e da Faixa de Gaza.
O médico oftalmologista Bashar al-Assad não teve visão suficiente para evitar o levantamento popular que está a acontecer, deixou que a Armada do seu país bombardeasse inclusive um acampamento de refugiados palestinianos, dos palestinianos que a Síria sempre disse ajudar, e arrisca-se agora a ter um fim bem triste.
As forças progressistas que têm sido assinaladas em países muçulmanos, desde a Tunísia ao Médio Oriente, ainda terão um longo caminho a percorrer, um caminho de muitos anos, até que os seus anseios democráticos se possam enfim concretizar. Será que algum dia isso irá acontecer? Insha'Allah! (Deus queira)...
JH http://www.alem-mar.org/cgi-bin/quickregister/scripts/redirect.cgi?redirect=EFEZyVuVFZJTOZpyKA
terça-feira, 4 de outubro de 2011
Moçambique tem carvão, gás e titânio
The first export of Tete coal in more than two decades left Beira port on 14 September. It was 35,000 tonnes from Vale for Dubai.
But the government has suspended issuing new coal licences in Tete and is planning a new mining law, while problems remain in Beira. (Noticias 9, 16, 28, 30 September 2011).
A total of 112 coal prospecting and mining licences have been issued to 45 foreign and national companies in just the past two years, and the government wants first to check which licences are actually being used – and revoke those which are not. The three biggest companies are Vale,
Riversdale Rio Tinto, and Minas de Rivubue. Others include three Indian companies: Jindal Steel and Power Ltd (JSPL), Midwest Mozambique and Osho Gremach Mining, as well as the Russian Eurásia Natural Resources Corporation. Indian companies have been criticised, in Mozambique and elsewhere, for not using exploration licences.
Predictions are that Mozambique could export 40 million tonnes of coal per year (worth $12 bn at present prices) from Tete, and a similar amount from Niassa, where exploration has only begun(with Vale and Riversdale again playing a key role). Meanwhile Beira port, operated since 1998 by
Cornelder (part owned by the Guebuza family), does not have the capacity to handle this much coal. Cornelder marketing head Felix Machado says the current capacity is 6 million tonnes per year, through a terminal exclusively for Vale and Riversdale. Other companies which hope to start
exporting next year have made no arrangements for port facilities, although Cornelder has plans to expand the coal terminal to handle 18 million tonnes per year.
Meanwhile, 1,000 women demonstrated in front of the Beira City Council headquarters demanding just compensation for land and crops they are losing because of the construction of the new coal terminal. The women say there is inconsistent compensation for the loss of their small rice fields.
The ports and rail company (CFM) representative, Rito Almirante, said that the different payments were due to different levels of damage. Those who could never use their land again were entitled to compensation of 5,000 meticais ($187), said Almirante, whereas those who had only lost their
rice harvest, would receive 1,500 Mt ($56). (Diario de Mocambique, 18 Sept 2011)
Inspections and new law
Mining vice minister Abdul Razak Noormahomed told Noticias that the government is rushing to train mining engineers to ensure there are enough inspectors for the rapidly expanding mining sector. More than 1000 mining and prospecting licences have been issued, according to Eduardo
Alexander, national director of mining. He noted that whereas a decade ago mining investment was only $20 million per year, it is now over $1 billion per year – and will continue to increase.
Noormahomed estimates that $15 bn will be spent by 2018 on installations to produce Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) in Cabo Delgado.
And Mozambique is revising its 2002 mining law. Afonso Mabica, inspector of the minerals ministry, says that Mozambique has gained huge experience in dealing with mining companies over the past decade and that the substantial exploration has given the government a better understanding of Mozambique's massive mineral resources. Therefore, it is time for a new law.
New Chinese mine
In what appears to be the first Chinese mining concession, Africa Great Wall is to mine titanium heavy sands in Sangage, Angoche, Nampula. Minerals Minister Esperança Bias says the company will invest $30 million and pay the government $4 million a year in taxes during the 15 year life of
the mine. This will be the second large open cast heavy sands mine on the Nampula coast, and a third is planned. Kenmare currently mines in Topuito, Moma district, and Bias said there is another large reserve in Quinga, Mongicual district. (Noticias 3 Oct 2011)
And problems in Tete
The Moatize coal basin is so large and rich that all of Tete city and its surrounding area is sitting on coal, which is causing difficulties. A thick layer of coal has stopped the construction of the second bridge over the Zambezi River at Tete. The coal is only 16 metres below where one of the
foundations is to be built, and Engineer José Frutuoso said he does not think a bridge has ever been built sitting on a coal seam like this, and that experts are being brought from Europe to see what to do. The coal seam also runs under the river. The new bridge is 5 km downstream from the
old bridge and will be 715 metres long. (Noticias 21 Sept 2011) Meanwhile, the Portuguese-Mozambican company building and subsequently running the bridge will also take over the old bridge and 700 km of road in the Tete corridor linking Malawi and Zimbabswe. (Noticias 1 Oct 2011).
And the Frelimo party in Tete complained the central government is issuing coal mining licences without even telling local officials. Frelimo Tete First Secretary Xavier Sakambwera said that local officials found only from the press that permission had been granted to dig up the Tete airport to
mine coal and that the airport would be moved. "Communities and investors are in constant conflict", he said. And he complained about Vale and Riversdale being allowed to cut roads, which has forced peasants to travel 50 kilometers instead of 15 to take their produce to market. (Noticias 6 September)
MOZAMBIQUE 185
News reports & clippings
3 Oct 2011
=========
Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)
But the government has suspended issuing new coal licences in Tete and is planning a new mining law, while problems remain in Beira. (Noticias 9, 16, 28, 30 September 2011).
A total of 112 coal prospecting and mining licences have been issued to 45 foreign and national companies in just the past two years, and the government wants first to check which licences are actually being used – and revoke those which are not. The three biggest companies are Vale,
Riversdale Rio Tinto, and Minas de Rivubue. Others include three Indian companies: Jindal Steel and Power Ltd (JSPL), Midwest Mozambique and Osho Gremach Mining, as well as the Russian Eurásia Natural Resources Corporation. Indian companies have been criticised, in Mozambique and elsewhere, for not using exploration licences.
Predictions are that Mozambique could export 40 million tonnes of coal per year (worth $12 bn at present prices) from Tete, and a similar amount from Niassa, where exploration has only begun(with Vale and Riversdale again playing a key role). Meanwhile Beira port, operated since 1998 by
Cornelder (part owned by the Guebuza family), does not have the capacity to handle this much coal. Cornelder marketing head Felix Machado says the current capacity is 6 million tonnes per year, through a terminal exclusively for Vale and Riversdale. Other companies which hope to start
exporting next year have made no arrangements for port facilities, although Cornelder has plans to expand the coal terminal to handle 18 million tonnes per year.
Meanwhile, 1,000 women demonstrated in front of the Beira City Council headquarters demanding just compensation for land and crops they are losing because of the construction of the new coal terminal. The women say there is inconsistent compensation for the loss of their small rice fields.
The ports and rail company (CFM) representative, Rito Almirante, said that the different payments were due to different levels of damage. Those who could never use their land again were entitled to compensation of 5,000 meticais ($187), said Almirante, whereas those who had only lost their
rice harvest, would receive 1,500 Mt ($56). (Diario de Mocambique, 18 Sept 2011)
Inspections and new law
Mining vice minister Abdul Razak Noormahomed told Noticias that the government is rushing to train mining engineers to ensure there are enough inspectors for the rapidly expanding mining sector. More than 1000 mining and prospecting licences have been issued, according to Eduardo
Alexander, national director of mining. He noted that whereas a decade ago mining investment was only $20 million per year, it is now over $1 billion per year – and will continue to increase.
Noormahomed estimates that $15 bn will be spent by 2018 on installations to produce Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) in Cabo Delgado.
And Mozambique is revising its 2002 mining law. Afonso Mabica, inspector of the minerals ministry, says that Mozambique has gained huge experience in dealing with mining companies over the past decade and that the substantial exploration has given the government a better understanding of Mozambique's massive mineral resources. Therefore, it is time for a new law.
New Chinese mine
In what appears to be the first Chinese mining concession, Africa Great Wall is to mine titanium heavy sands in Sangage, Angoche, Nampula. Minerals Minister Esperança Bias says the company will invest $30 million and pay the government $4 million a year in taxes during the 15 year life of
the mine. This will be the second large open cast heavy sands mine on the Nampula coast, and a third is planned. Kenmare currently mines in Topuito, Moma district, and Bias said there is another large reserve in Quinga, Mongicual district. (Noticias 3 Oct 2011)
And problems in Tete
The Moatize coal basin is so large and rich that all of Tete city and its surrounding area is sitting on coal, which is causing difficulties. A thick layer of coal has stopped the construction of the second bridge over the Zambezi River at Tete. The coal is only 16 metres below where one of the
foundations is to be built, and Engineer José Frutuoso said he does not think a bridge has ever been built sitting on a coal seam like this, and that experts are being brought from Europe to see what to do. The coal seam also runs under the river. The new bridge is 5 km downstream from the
old bridge and will be 715 metres long. (Noticias 21 Sept 2011) Meanwhile, the Portuguese-Mozambican company building and subsequently running the bridge will also take over the old bridge and 700 km of road in the Tete corridor linking Malawi and Zimbabswe. (Noticias 1 Oct 2011).
And the Frelimo party in Tete complained the central government is issuing coal mining licences without even telling local officials. Frelimo Tete First Secretary Xavier Sakambwera said that local officials found only from the press that permission had been granted to dig up the Tete airport to
mine coal and that the airport would be moved. "Communities and investors are in constant conflict", he said. And he complained about Vale and Riversdale being allowed to cut roads, which has forced peasants to travel 50 kilometers instead of 15 to take their produce to market. (Noticias 6 September)
MOZAMBIQUE 185
News reports & clippings
3 Oct 2011
=========
Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)
domingo, 2 de outubro de 2011
A Líbia mergulha numa grande incógnita
Families continue to stream out of Sirte, as interim government forces fought intense battles for control of the city centre. But many men and women were too terrified, angry and mistrustful of the fighters that now control the majority of Libya, to flee to the next town.
Crammed 30 people to a room, the families live in an abandoned school building with scant supplies. Others have been taken in by loyalist homes dotted in the scrubland surrounding Sirte.
"The rebels are worse than rats. Nato is the same as Osama bin Laden," said a resident who did not wish to be named. "We have ten families staying with us now, there is little food, not enough clean water and no gas. Before we lived wealthy lives, I had two homes, now we live worse than animals."
Backed by Nato war planes, rebel forces battling over the last eight months said they were fighting to oust a brutal dictator that was loathed by the Libyan population and that suppressed the basic human rights and freedoms of civilians. But families fleeing Col Gaddafi's home town of Sirte said they longed for Libya to be "just as it was".
"We lived in democracy under Muammer Gaddafi, he was not a dictator. I lived in freedom, Libyan women had full human rights. It isn't that we need Muammer Gaddafi again, but we want to live just as we did before," said Susan Farjan.
Despite the living conditions, and her plain dirty clothes, Susan's makeup, Chanel perfume, diamond earrings and gold necklace told of a better life in times past. Sitting on the hard floor of the school classroom that had become her home Susan reminisced: "Life was great in Sirte. I was a television presenter for Jumareya television, interviewing pop stars, and reading the news. Everyone loves Gaddafi. My father loves him so much, the blood is green in his veins," she said as tears welled in her eyes.
Women and children crowding round interrupted her speech with loud and passionate cries of the dictum that had rung out at orchestrated pro-Gaddafi rallies in Tripoli: 'God, Muammer, Libya, and that's all!"
The desert surroundings of Sirte have become a patchwork of loyalties.
Interim fighters patrolled 'liberated areas' celebrating the new found freedom of the country. But many families in the area said Nato bombing and more recently, the attacks by interim government forces had turned Sirte into a 'living hell' "I saw missiles and bombs and rebel fighters. There were missiles everywhere; that's why we came here," said Mabrouka Farjan, 80. "Life was good under Gaddafi, we were never afraid." "The insurance building in the city has collapsed, there are many dead bodies in there, and you can smell the stench on the streets," said Mohammed Farjan, 27, speaking of the situation inside the city.
Caught in the crossfire as they were fleeing, two children were killed, and a mother seriously injured on Saturday when their car was hit by a rocket propelled grenade. Others recounted stories of their homes hit by rockets.
"They are killing our children. Why are they doing this? For what? Life was good before!" shouted another elderly lady.
The rebel army has said it would leave unarmed loyalists to their own devices, but some families reported harassment. "Yesterday men came with anti-aircraft guns, they surrounded our home, and tried to steal our cars.
We hit back, and eventually they left," said Ibrahim, who would not give his last name for fear of recriminations.
The opposition forces have been allowing them to get supplies said the families, and there is some medical assistance. But interaction is fraught with tension and insults. "They constantly come and demand our papers, and try to search all our possession for hours," said an elderly man.
"Everyone loves Gaddafi, and we love him because we love Libya. Now the rebels have taken over. We might have to accept that, but Muammer will always be in our hearts," said the mother of one family. The Telegraph
---Jornalistas do Reino Unido e da Espanha dão-nos a entender que os elementos que assumiram o controlo de Benghazi e de Trípoli não são os cândidos libertadores que a propaganda sarkozyana queria fazer crer.
Na Líbia não há por estes dias "Capitães de Abril".
Retratem-se os que nos deram uma visão idílica do que ao longo da Primavera e do Verão foi acontecendo por aquelas bandas.
Crammed 30 people to a room, the families live in an abandoned school building with scant supplies. Others have been taken in by loyalist homes dotted in the scrubland surrounding Sirte.
"The rebels are worse than rats. Nato is the same as Osama bin Laden," said a resident who did not wish to be named. "We have ten families staying with us now, there is little food, not enough clean water and no gas. Before we lived wealthy lives, I had two homes, now we live worse than animals."
Backed by Nato war planes, rebel forces battling over the last eight months said they were fighting to oust a brutal dictator that was loathed by the Libyan population and that suppressed the basic human rights and freedoms of civilians. But families fleeing Col Gaddafi's home town of Sirte said they longed for Libya to be "just as it was".
"We lived in democracy under Muammer Gaddafi, he was not a dictator. I lived in freedom, Libyan women had full human rights. It isn't that we need Muammer Gaddafi again, but we want to live just as we did before," said Susan Farjan.
Despite the living conditions, and her plain dirty clothes, Susan's makeup, Chanel perfume, diamond earrings and gold necklace told of a better life in times past. Sitting on the hard floor of the school classroom that had become her home Susan reminisced: "Life was great in Sirte. I was a television presenter for Jumareya television, interviewing pop stars, and reading the news. Everyone loves Gaddafi. My father loves him so much, the blood is green in his veins," she said as tears welled in her eyes.
Women and children crowding round interrupted her speech with loud and passionate cries of the dictum that had rung out at orchestrated pro-Gaddafi rallies in Tripoli: 'God, Muammer, Libya, and that's all!"
The desert surroundings of Sirte have become a patchwork of loyalties.
Interim fighters patrolled 'liberated areas' celebrating the new found freedom of the country. But many families in the area said Nato bombing and more recently, the attacks by interim government forces had turned Sirte into a 'living hell' "I saw missiles and bombs and rebel fighters. There were missiles everywhere; that's why we came here," said Mabrouka Farjan, 80. "Life was good under Gaddafi, we were never afraid." "The insurance building in the city has collapsed, there are many dead bodies in there, and you can smell the stench on the streets," said Mohammed Farjan, 27, speaking of the situation inside the city.
Caught in the crossfire as they were fleeing, two children were killed, and a mother seriously injured on Saturday when their car was hit by a rocket propelled grenade. Others recounted stories of their homes hit by rockets.
"They are killing our children. Why are they doing this? For what? Life was good before!" shouted another elderly lady.
The rebel army has said it would leave unarmed loyalists to their own devices, but some families reported harassment. "Yesterday men came with anti-aircraft guns, they surrounded our home, and tried to steal our cars.
We hit back, and eventually they left," said Ibrahim, who would not give his last name for fear of recriminations.
The opposition forces have been allowing them to get supplies said the families, and there is some medical assistance. But interaction is fraught with tension and insults. "They constantly come and demand our papers, and try to search all our possession for hours," said an elderly man.
"Everyone loves Gaddafi, and we love him because we love Libya. Now the rebels have taken over. We might have to accept that, but Muammer will always be in our hearts," said the mother of one family. The Telegraph
---Jornalistas do Reino Unido e da Espanha dão-nos a entender que os elementos que assumiram o controlo de Benghazi e de Trípoli não são os cândidos libertadores que a propaganda sarkozyana queria fazer crer.
Na Líbia não há por estes dias "Capitães de Abril".
Retratem-se os que nos deram uma visão idílica do que ao longo da Primavera e do Verão foi acontecendo por aquelas bandas.
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