BISSAU (Xinhua) - Le général Antonio Injai, chef d'état-major des armées bissau-guinéennes, est menacé de mort par les membres son ethnie, les Balante, selon le Defensor, journal du ministère de la Défense.
«Nous pensions que tu as été promu chef d'état-major des armées pour aider les Balantes comme toi. Comme tu nous as trahi, bientôt ce sera ton tour, car nous allons te tuer», a indiqué le journal reprenant une conversation entre le général Injai et un de ses parents balantes dont l'identité n'a pas été révélée. Selon le même journal, «ses parents balantes l'accusent de trahison».
«Le général Antonio Injai a été payé par le Premier ministre Carlos Gomes Junior pour qu'il soit maintenu au pouvoir jusqu'à la fin de son mandat», explique le Defensor. Le journal du ministère de la Défense est allé plus loin en faisant état d'une tentative de conspiration manquée ces derniers temps contre le régime Sanhá.
Selon des sources dignes de foi, le général Antonio Injai a maille à partir avec les Balantes et le contre-amiral Américo Bubo Na Tchuto, qui contrôle une bonne partie de l'armée.
Pour ces raisons, les observateurs estiment que, malgré des milliers de signatures de la pétition en faveur du retour de la paix, la paix et la stabilité en Guinée-Bissau ne tiennent plus que d'un bout de fil.
---
Em Maio de 2010 The New York Times escreveu que a Guiné-Bissau caíra nas mãos de Bubo Na Tchuto. E de há muito o Professor Eduardo Costa Dias, que acompanha as questões da Guiné-Bissau, admitia a ruptura da aliança conjuntural que se tinha feito entre Bubo e o general António Indjai.
Trinta e oito anos depois da proclamação unilateral da independência, a paz e a estabilidade estão ainda longe de ser uma realidade, como se conclui pela leitura deste despacho da agência noticiosa Nova China (Xinhua).
Paulo Correia, Viriato Pã, Veríssimo Correia Seabra, Tagme Na Wae, Nino Vieira, Helder Proença, Baciro Dabó e tantos outros guineenses acabaram os seus dias de forma violenta, nestas últimas décadas. E o cortejo poderá não ficar por aqui.
sexta-feira, 30 de setembro de 2011
quinta-feira, 29 de setembro de 2011
Tuaregues líbios temem chacina
We, The Tuareg Coordination of Libya, wish to express a deep anxiety concerning the present situation of the Tuareg community living in Libya. Since the fall of Tripoli, there has been and continues to be many executions amongst Tuareg Libyan civilians.
The organization of a very serious massacre is being prepared under the eye of the international media. We demand that the press coverage be responsible and ethical concerning the spirit of vengeance that prevails amongst certain rebel groups.
We are calling the TNC, the International Community, NATO, the RED CROSS and all other international organizations to apply the standards of international law, as established in the Geneva International Convention, and to respect and protect innocent civilians and victims in the Libyan conflict.
The collected evidence is unanimous; many civil Tuaregs have been executed and continue to be in Tripoli. Tuaregs in the Libyan refugee camp of Debdeb in Algeria have reported of serious threats of massacre against members of their community in the city of Ghadames situated in the south of Libya.
“The rebels are threatening the Tuareg to make them pay the price by bloodshed of their pretended support to Kaddafi’s regime”
At the present time, several thousand Tuareg families, mostly from the regions of Dereg and Ghadames, have fled to Algeria by fear of reprisals. Most have found refuge in the town of Debdeb in Algeria located twenty kilometers of Ghadames.
The Tuareg community, who at the moment is trapped between two forces, fears a bloodbath. Forced to submit to Kaddafi’s followers in the south, where the “the Kadhafa’s” have reigned for decades and suspected by the northern communities to be partisans of Kadhafi, the Libyan Tuaregs have become the target of acts of vengeance committed by the Chebab, despite the laws of the Geneva convention.
Since the beginning of the conflict, civil Tuareg Libyans have seen the fighting take a heavy toll within their communities. In the south, many were enrolled to participate in pro Kaddafi demonstrations and found themselves parachuted on the front lines of the conflict.
Since March 2011 and before NATO’s interventions, many military Tuaregs who refused to participate in repression operations were executed by army officials. Over a thousand military Tuareg loyalists have died since the bombing of NATO and during the battle of Misrata.
At the same time, several isolated Tuareg groups have tempted to join the rebellion, despite the communication difficulties. Collaboration succeeded between the rebels and Libyan Tuareg groups during the battles of Zenten, Nalut near the Tunisian border and Nefussa.
Since April 2011, several delegates of the Tuareg Coordination met with the TNC in order to organize coordination with the rebels in southern territories.
This is an urgent appeal addressed to the TNC’s armed forces, to NATO and to the Red Cross to immediately stop all acts of vengeance perpetuated by the rebel’s armed forces. Guaranties and elementary rights must be respected and applied in accordance with the Geneva Convention and the United Nations resolutions. Over 200 000 people are concerned by the threat of massacre in prevision of the fall of Kadhafi’s regime.
The Tuareg Coordination of Libya
The organization of a very serious massacre is being prepared under the eye of the international media. We demand that the press coverage be responsible and ethical concerning the spirit of vengeance that prevails amongst certain rebel groups.
We are calling the TNC, the International Community, NATO, the RED CROSS and all other international organizations to apply the standards of international law, as established in the Geneva International Convention, and to respect and protect innocent civilians and victims in the Libyan conflict.
The collected evidence is unanimous; many civil Tuaregs have been executed and continue to be in Tripoli. Tuaregs in the Libyan refugee camp of Debdeb in Algeria have reported of serious threats of massacre against members of their community in the city of Ghadames situated in the south of Libya.
“The rebels are threatening the Tuareg to make them pay the price by bloodshed of their pretended support to Kaddafi’s regime”
At the present time, several thousand Tuareg families, mostly from the regions of Dereg and Ghadames, have fled to Algeria by fear of reprisals. Most have found refuge in the town of Debdeb in Algeria located twenty kilometers of Ghadames.
The Tuareg community, who at the moment is trapped between two forces, fears a bloodbath. Forced to submit to Kaddafi’s followers in the south, where the “the Kadhafa’s” have reigned for decades and suspected by the northern communities to be partisans of Kadhafi, the Libyan Tuaregs have become the target of acts of vengeance committed by the Chebab, despite the laws of the Geneva convention.
Since the beginning of the conflict, civil Tuareg Libyans have seen the fighting take a heavy toll within their communities. In the south, many were enrolled to participate in pro Kaddafi demonstrations and found themselves parachuted on the front lines of the conflict.
Since March 2011 and before NATO’s interventions, many military Tuaregs who refused to participate in repression operations were executed by army officials. Over a thousand military Tuareg loyalists have died since the bombing of NATO and during the battle of Misrata.
At the same time, several isolated Tuareg groups have tempted to join the rebellion, despite the communication difficulties. Collaboration succeeded between the rebels and Libyan Tuareg groups during the battles of Zenten, Nalut near the Tunisian border and Nefussa.
Since April 2011, several delegates of the Tuareg Coordination met with the TNC in order to organize coordination with the rebels in southern territories.
This is an urgent appeal addressed to the TNC’s armed forces, to NATO and to the Red Cross to immediately stop all acts of vengeance perpetuated by the rebel’s armed forces. Guaranties and elementary rights must be respected and applied in accordance with the Geneva Convention and the United Nations resolutions. Over 200 000 people are concerned by the threat of massacre in prevision of the fall of Kadhafi’s regime.
The Tuareg Coordination of Libya
quarta-feira, 28 de setembro de 2011
A hipótese de uma Autoridade Tuaregue
Prior to the start of Libya's revolution in February, the Sahelian regions of Niger and Mali had already suffered eight years of increasing political instability and insecurity. The reasons for this are complex:
First, having partially recovered from the Tuareg rebellions of the 1990s, the rulers of both Niger and Mali became willing, pliant and corrupt partners in the global war on terror (GWOT). This transformation occured following the complicity between the US and Algeria's mukhabarat [security services] and the Departement du Renseignement et de la Securite [DRS - Department of Intelligence and Security] in fabricating terrorism in the region in order to justify the launch of the 2003 second front in the GWOT in the Sahel/Sahara. That alone brought an almost instant decimation of the predominantly Tuareg tourist industry and an annual loss of an estimated $50 million.
Another factor contributing to instability in the region occured in 2005, following the political provocation of the Tuareg by the Niger government. This led to a short-lived rebellion, while in May 2006 the US and Algeria's DRS orchestrated a Tuareg rebellion in NE Mali. This was followed, four to five months later, by two contrived "terrorist" engagements designed to facilitate the name change of Algeria's GSPC into al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and its "insertion" into the Sahel.
'Unsatisfactory peace process'
This duplicitous series of events led to more serious Tuareg rebellions in both Niger and Mali through 2007-2009, with an unsatisfactory peace process - brokered in large part by Gaddafi - which was accented by an upsurge in AQIM "terrorism", drug trafficking and banditry.
"Tuareg justify [their actions] as an inevitable response to food shortages ... marginalisation and the lack of both economic development and employment opportunities."
Local Tuareg justify their marginal involvement in these activities as an inevitable response to food shortages (and in Niger, famine), their marginalisation and the lack of both economic development and employment opportunities.
The uprising that began in Libya in February against the Gaddafi regime quickly exacerbated the Sahel's wretched economic situation.
By May, it had already cost Niger billions in lost trade and the stemmed flow of remittences causing President Issoufou to be forced to cut the 2011 budget by 6.55 per cent. Since then, the situation in Niger, Mali and Chad has deteriorated drastically - the governments of Mali and Niger each putting the number of returning migrants at more than 200,000 and Chad at more than 80,000.
For the first time in about 30 years, a large proportion of these countries' emigrant Tuareg population that had sought employment or refuge in Libya is coming home. Thousands of them had reportedly recently signed on as mercenaries; many more were long-serving members of Gaddafi's forces. However, not all of them fought for Gaddafi: Many supported Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC).
Either way, they are skilled fighters - armed and angry at what they see as a world that has once again turned against them. The final overthrow of the Gaddafi regime in August has turned this increasingly fragile and chaotic situation into what journalists in Niger are now calling a "powder-keg".
Amongst these returnees are several former rebel leaders: Aghaly ag Alembo (Niger), Ibrahim ag Bahanga (Mali) who was killed (some say assassinated by "the Algerians") on August 26, and assuming he is still alive, Mohamed ag Boula (Niger) - the brother of Rhissa ag Boula.
Rhissa was the leader of one of two main rebel movements in Niger in the 1990s and then the joint leader of the Armed Resistance Organisation (ORA) that signed the 1995 Ouagadougou Peace Accords. Since then, he has served as a government minister, been imprisoned on a trumped-up murder charge, headed another rebel movement (2008-2009) and is now an advisor to Niger's new president, Mohamed Issoufou.
What are the plans of these and other Tuareg leaders? There has been speculative media talk of new Tuareg rebellions and even the possible emergence of some sort of militant, pan-regional Tuareg movement.
On top of all this, arms - including Sam 7s - are now widely reported to be flooding into the region from Libya. Indications are that they are being amassed by certain Tuareg (such as the late Bahanga), AQIM and drugs traffickers.
Whichever way one looks at this part of the Sahel, its immediate future is bleak. Indeed, the fact that the EU placed it at the top of its security agenda last year and is now pumping serious funds into the region is indicative of the seriousness of the situation.
The nightmare scenario
Amid the overwhelmingly pessimistic scenarios for this part of Africa's Sahel region, the spill-over from Libya has given rise to one that the media has so far been reluctant to air. It is what I would call the "nightmare scenario".
This starts with Gaddafi loyalists being not wholly dislodged from Libya. After the assumed eventual collapse of resistance in Sirte and Bani Walid, fort systems still remain - possibly around Sebha, the Traghan oases, the Wadi al-Ajal, Oubari, Ghat and perhaps elsewhere. Such areas of resistance then become supported - or, if lost - will be recaptured by an insurgency launched out of the Sahel. This resurgence will most likely come out of Niger, but with support from Mali, and perhaps from elsewhere where Gaddafi has spread his largesse.
Such an insurgency would depend on four key factors: The willingness of the Tuareg to take up the Gaddafi cause; the inability or unwillingness, for various reasons, of the governments of the region to prevent such developments; and sufficient financial resources and the inability or unwillingness of the West to intervene to stop it. A fifth factor, the "elephant in the room", is Algeria.
One can only speculate on how the Tuareg might react to a further call to arms on Gaddafi's behalf. Media interviews with Tuareg fighters who have just returned from Libya suggest that a significant number could still be mustered - especially if cash was on the table. Certainly, many Tuareg in Niger and Mali still feel they owe him a debt of gratitude, and therefore support.
Scattered leadership
However, behind the current, slightly gung-ho air of bravado, the political reality of the situation is still very unclear.
Aside from the fact that the Tuareg populations scattered across at least five countries of the Sahara-Sahel have never been politically unified, there are many schisms between them. And the same applies to many of their leaders, whose personal agendas are at present quite unclear, perhaps even to themselves.
National politics in all five countries (Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Libya) are also very different, although Tuareg in all of them share a sense of political and economic marginalisation. In addition, there is much common anger and disillusionment - especially against the US, France, the EU, and the West as a whole for failing to help them in their recent predicaments.
"There is much common anger and disallusionment among [the Tuareg] ... that, in itself, may be sufficient to maintain some sense of loyalty and gratitute to Gaddafi, the only person who has come to their aid."
That, in itself, may be sufficient to maintain some sense of loyalty and gratitude to Gaddafi, the only person who has come to their aid - albeit for reasons of self-interest - since the launch of Washington's GWOT sent the region into a spiral of increasing insecurity and instability.
Another factor in the "Tuareg equation", which should not be discounted, is Gaddafi's proposition to make a Tuareg political entity of "state" that would somehow be carved out of the Sahara and Sahel. This proposition was first mooted in a speech at Oubari in 2005 and written off as "crazy" by all except Algeria.
Parallels have been drawn to France's attempt in 1957 to carve its own "Saharan state", the Organisation Commune des Régions Sahariennes (OCRS), out of its colonial territories in defiance of Algeria's fight for Independence.
The likelihood of the Tuareg taking up arms again Gaddafi's behalf, or as part of a "post-Gaddafi" movement, is unlikely. Nevertheless, if Niger and Mali, with the financial assistance of international development aid, are unable to provide an alternative and more attractive future, it cannot be ruled out.
Whether Niger or any other Sahelian country, would accept such a "rear base" in its territory is also most unlikely. The mere presence of Gaddafi, his family or key loyalists in any of these countries will be a disruptive and potentially destabilising force.
However, the popular support for Gaddafi in these Sahelian countries, and not only from the Tuareg, will make it very difficult for any of their governments to fulfil their international obligations. Although a Niger government spokesman has made it clear that Gaddafi's supporters would not be sent back to Libya, he did say that, if any of these people were wanted by an international court with universal competence over the crimes for which they were being pursued, Niger would do its duty in terms of its commitments to international justice.
Jeremy Keenan, professor de Antropologia Social (em artigo de opinião divulgado pela AlJazeera)
First, having partially recovered from the Tuareg rebellions of the 1990s, the rulers of both Niger and Mali became willing, pliant and corrupt partners in the global war on terror (GWOT). This transformation occured following the complicity between the US and Algeria's mukhabarat [security services] and the Departement du Renseignement et de la Securite [DRS - Department of Intelligence and Security] in fabricating terrorism in the region in order to justify the launch of the 2003 second front in the GWOT in the Sahel/Sahara. That alone brought an almost instant decimation of the predominantly Tuareg tourist industry and an annual loss of an estimated $50 million.
Another factor contributing to instability in the region occured in 2005, following the political provocation of the Tuareg by the Niger government. This led to a short-lived rebellion, while in May 2006 the US and Algeria's DRS orchestrated a Tuareg rebellion in NE Mali. This was followed, four to five months later, by two contrived "terrorist" engagements designed to facilitate the name change of Algeria's GSPC into al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and its "insertion" into the Sahel.
'Unsatisfactory peace process'
This duplicitous series of events led to more serious Tuareg rebellions in both Niger and Mali through 2007-2009, with an unsatisfactory peace process - brokered in large part by Gaddafi - which was accented by an upsurge in AQIM "terrorism", drug trafficking and banditry.
"Tuareg justify [their actions] as an inevitable response to food shortages ... marginalisation and the lack of both economic development and employment opportunities."
Local Tuareg justify their marginal involvement in these activities as an inevitable response to food shortages (and in Niger, famine), their marginalisation and the lack of both economic development and employment opportunities.
The uprising that began in Libya in February against the Gaddafi regime quickly exacerbated the Sahel's wretched economic situation.
By May, it had already cost Niger billions in lost trade and the stemmed flow of remittences causing President Issoufou to be forced to cut the 2011 budget by 6.55 per cent. Since then, the situation in Niger, Mali and Chad has deteriorated drastically - the governments of Mali and Niger each putting the number of returning migrants at more than 200,000 and Chad at more than 80,000.
For the first time in about 30 years, a large proportion of these countries' emigrant Tuareg population that had sought employment or refuge in Libya is coming home. Thousands of them had reportedly recently signed on as mercenaries; many more were long-serving members of Gaddafi's forces. However, not all of them fought for Gaddafi: Many supported Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC).
Either way, they are skilled fighters - armed and angry at what they see as a world that has once again turned against them. The final overthrow of the Gaddafi regime in August has turned this increasingly fragile and chaotic situation into what journalists in Niger are now calling a "powder-keg".
Amongst these returnees are several former rebel leaders: Aghaly ag Alembo (Niger), Ibrahim ag Bahanga (Mali) who was killed (some say assassinated by "the Algerians") on August 26, and assuming he is still alive, Mohamed ag Boula (Niger) - the brother of Rhissa ag Boula.
Rhissa was the leader of one of two main rebel movements in Niger in the 1990s and then the joint leader of the Armed Resistance Organisation (ORA) that signed the 1995 Ouagadougou Peace Accords. Since then, he has served as a government minister, been imprisoned on a trumped-up murder charge, headed another rebel movement (2008-2009) and is now an advisor to Niger's new president, Mohamed Issoufou.
What are the plans of these and other Tuareg leaders? There has been speculative media talk of new Tuareg rebellions and even the possible emergence of some sort of militant, pan-regional Tuareg movement.
On top of all this, arms - including Sam 7s - are now widely reported to be flooding into the region from Libya. Indications are that they are being amassed by certain Tuareg (such as the late Bahanga), AQIM and drugs traffickers.
Whichever way one looks at this part of the Sahel, its immediate future is bleak. Indeed, the fact that the EU placed it at the top of its security agenda last year and is now pumping serious funds into the region is indicative of the seriousness of the situation.
The nightmare scenario
Amid the overwhelmingly pessimistic scenarios for this part of Africa's Sahel region, the spill-over from Libya has given rise to one that the media has so far been reluctant to air. It is what I would call the "nightmare scenario".
This starts with Gaddafi loyalists being not wholly dislodged from Libya. After the assumed eventual collapse of resistance in Sirte and Bani Walid, fort systems still remain - possibly around Sebha, the Traghan oases, the Wadi al-Ajal, Oubari, Ghat and perhaps elsewhere. Such areas of resistance then become supported - or, if lost - will be recaptured by an insurgency launched out of the Sahel. This resurgence will most likely come out of Niger, but with support from Mali, and perhaps from elsewhere where Gaddafi has spread his largesse.
Such an insurgency would depend on four key factors: The willingness of the Tuareg to take up the Gaddafi cause; the inability or unwillingness, for various reasons, of the governments of the region to prevent such developments; and sufficient financial resources and the inability or unwillingness of the West to intervene to stop it. A fifth factor, the "elephant in the room", is Algeria.
One can only speculate on how the Tuareg might react to a further call to arms on Gaddafi's behalf. Media interviews with Tuareg fighters who have just returned from Libya suggest that a significant number could still be mustered - especially if cash was on the table. Certainly, many Tuareg in Niger and Mali still feel they owe him a debt of gratitude, and therefore support.
Scattered leadership
However, behind the current, slightly gung-ho air of bravado, the political reality of the situation is still very unclear.
Aside from the fact that the Tuareg populations scattered across at least five countries of the Sahara-Sahel have never been politically unified, there are many schisms between them. And the same applies to many of their leaders, whose personal agendas are at present quite unclear, perhaps even to themselves.
National politics in all five countries (Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Libya) are also very different, although Tuareg in all of them share a sense of political and economic marginalisation. In addition, there is much common anger and disillusionment - especially against the US, France, the EU, and the West as a whole for failing to help them in their recent predicaments.
"There is much common anger and disallusionment among [the Tuareg] ... that, in itself, may be sufficient to maintain some sense of loyalty and gratitute to Gaddafi, the only person who has come to their aid."
That, in itself, may be sufficient to maintain some sense of loyalty and gratitude to Gaddafi, the only person who has come to their aid - albeit for reasons of self-interest - since the launch of Washington's GWOT sent the region into a spiral of increasing insecurity and instability.
Another factor in the "Tuareg equation", which should not be discounted, is Gaddafi's proposition to make a Tuareg political entity of "state" that would somehow be carved out of the Sahara and Sahel. This proposition was first mooted in a speech at Oubari in 2005 and written off as "crazy" by all except Algeria.
Parallels have been drawn to France's attempt in 1957 to carve its own "Saharan state", the Organisation Commune des Régions Sahariennes (OCRS), out of its colonial territories in defiance of Algeria's fight for Independence.
The likelihood of the Tuareg taking up arms again Gaddafi's behalf, or as part of a "post-Gaddafi" movement, is unlikely. Nevertheless, if Niger and Mali, with the financial assistance of international development aid, are unable to provide an alternative and more attractive future, it cannot be ruled out.
Whether Niger or any other Sahelian country, would accept such a "rear base" in its territory is also most unlikely. The mere presence of Gaddafi, his family or key loyalists in any of these countries will be a disruptive and potentially destabilising force.
However, the popular support for Gaddafi in these Sahelian countries, and not only from the Tuareg, will make it very difficult for any of their governments to fulfil their international obligations. Although a Niger government spokesman has made it clear that Gaddafi's supporters would not be sent back to Libya, he did say that, if any of these people were wanted by an international court with universal competence over the crimes for which they were being pursued, Niger would do its duty in terms of its commitments to international justice.
Jeremy Keenan, professor de Antropologia Social (em artigo de opinião divulgado pela AlJazeera)
Há quem só conheça o terço setentrional da Líbia
TRIPOLI, Libya (AP) — Libya's new rulers believe Moammar Gadhafi may be hiding in the southern desert, possibly in a vast area near the Algerian border, under the protection of ethnic Tuareg fighters, an official said Wednesday.
Abdel-Rahman Busin, a military spokesman in Tripoli, also said revolutionary forces knew Gadhafi's son, Seif al-Islam, was in the regime stronghold of Bani Walid two weeks ago because they held negotiations about his possible surrender. But he said the talks had broken down and it was not known if he was still in the town.
Revolutionary forces gained control of Tripoli and much of the rest of the North African nation late last month, but the longtime leader fled and has been trying to rally supporters from hiding as fighting continues on three fronts. His sons also escaped and there have been several unconfirmed reports about their whereabouts.
Military officials fear Gadhafi may still be able to stoke violence from his hiding place.
Busin said the military has intelligence that Gadhafi is hiding in the vast southern desert with help from Tuareg fighters. Ethnic Tuaregs, whose nomadic community spans the desert border of Niger, Mali, Libya, Algeria and Chad, are among Gadhafi's strongest remaining supporters.
"We do believe that he is somewhere in that region and we do know that Tuaregs are supporting him, probably because he's paying them," Busin said.
He did not offer evidence and acknowledged the military cannot confirm anything.
"It's a very large bit of land to cover. We don't have the people to cover it all and he could move around quite freely," Busin told The Associated Press.
One report suggested Gadhafi was southwest of the desert town of Sabha, Busin said. He also said a recent attack on the border town of Ghadamis raised suspicion that the fugitive leader was hiding in the surrounding region, a vast area near the Algerian frontier. "Possibly they were just creating a diversion," he said.
Pro-Gadhafi gunmen crossed the border from Algeria to attack revolutionary forces in Ghadamis last week, killing at least nine people, local officials said.
Ali al-Mana, the Ghadamis representative on the National Transitional Council, said there was no confirmation that Gadhafi was in the city.
Many Libyans believe Ghadafi's son and other regime members are hiding in Bani Walid, 90 miles (140 kilometers) southeast of Tripoli, where revolutionary fighters have been stalemated with loyalist fighters for weeks.
...
Há semanas que ando aqui a chamar a atenção para toda a vastidão da Líbia, muito para sul de Mizdah e de Bani Wali. Mas parece que há quem só agora se lembre das terras de Fezzan e dos tuaregues que nelas vivem; esse povo berbere, islamizado, que já por aí existia antes de terem sido traçadas as fronteiras da Argélia, do Mali, do Níger e do Chade. Fezzan (feudo tradicional dos Kadhafa) estende-se do paralelo das Ilhas Selvagens até abaixo do Trópico de Câncer, sendo muito maior do que a Tripolitânia.
Abdel-Rahman Busin, a military spokesman in Tripoli, also said revolutionary forces knew Gadhafi's son, Seif al-Islam, was in the regime stronghold of Bani Walid two weeks ago because they held negotiations about his possible surrender. But he said the talks had broken down and it was not known if he was still in the town.
Revolutionary forces gained control of Tripoli and much of the rest of the North African nation late last month, but the longtime leader fled and has been trying to rally supporters from hiding as fighting continues on three fronts. His sons also escaped and there have been several unconfirmed reports about their whereabouts.
Military officials fear Gadhafi may still be able to stoke violence from his hiding place.
Busin said the military has intelligence that Gadhafi is hiding in the vast southern desert with help from Tuareg fighters. Ethnic Tuaregs, whose nomadic community spans the desert border of Niger, Mali, Libya, Algeria and Chad, are among Gadhafi's strongest remaining supporters.
"We do believe that he is somewhere in that region and we do know that Tuaregs are supporting him, probably because he's paying them," Busin said.
He did not offer evidence and acknowledged the military cannot confirm anything.
"It's a very large bit of land to cover. We don't have the people to cover it all and he could move around quite freely," Busin told The Associated Press.
One report suggested Gadhafi was southwest of the desert town of Sabha, Busin said. He also said a recent attack on the border town of Ghadamis raised suspicion that the fugitive leader was hiding in the surrounding region, a vast area near the Algerian frontier. "Possibly they were just creating a diversion," he said.
Pro-Gadhafi gunmen crossed the border from Algeria to attack revolutionary forces in Ghadamis last week, killing at least nine people, local officials said.
Ali al-Mana, the Ghadamis representative on the National Transitional Council, said there was no confirmation that Gadhafi was in the city.
Many Libyans believe Ghadafi's son and other regime members are hiding in Bani Walid, 90 miles (140 kilometers) southeast of Tripoli, where revolutionary fighters have been stalemated with loyalist fighters for weeks.
...
Há semanas que ando aqui a chamar a atenção para toda a vastidão da Líbia, muito para sul de Mizdah e de Bani Wali. Mas parece que há quem só agora se lembre das terras de Fezzan e dos tuaregues que nelas vivem; esse povo berbere, islamizado, que já por aí existia antes de terem sido traçadas as fronteiras da Argélia, do Mali, do Níger e do Chade. Fezzan (feudo tradicional dos Kadhafa) estende-se do paralelo das Ilhas Selvagens até abaixo do Trópico de Câncer, sendo muito maior do que a Tripolitânia.
domingo, 25 de setembro de 2011
O desconhecimento da Líbia profunda
Militias loyal to Libya's deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi attacked the southern town of Ghadames, on the border with Algeria, on Saturday but were pushed back, a spokesman for Libya's interim government has said
"These militias have attacked our people in Ghadames ... All the information we have got is that these groups are related to the son of Gaddafi, Khamis," Ahmed Bani, a military spokesman for the National Transitional Council, told a news conference in Tripoli.
"We are expecting some militias in that area to use the geographical base to hide in. Our freedom fighters have taken control of that area. Our freedom fighters will not allow (another attack)," he said.
The attack comes as plans by new regime forces to launch a fresh assault on Gaddafi's hometown of Sirte appeared to be put on hold by Nato.
A day after entering the coastal city in a surprise assault, NTC fighters pulled back on the western side of the town.
"We were ordered to leave downtown Sirte because Nato has a mission to do there. We left after 7pm last night," front line fighter Ahmed Mohammed Tajuri told AFP.
------ Os combatentes do Conselho de Transição receberam ordens para deixar o centro de Sirte porque a NATO tinha uma missão para efectuar ali! A NATO é quem mais ordena...
+++++++ Se Ghadames é uma cidade meridional, como se afirma aqui, o que dizer de Ghat e de Murzuq, que ficam muito mais para baixo? Parece que o mapa da Líbia utilizado por certos jornalistas está muito incompleto, ignorando territórios que se situam 930 quilómetros a sul de Tripoli e de Sirte. Territórios esses nos quais elementos da família Kadhafi se poderão eventualmente mover como peixe na água.
"These militias have attacked our people in Ghadames ... All the information we have got is that these groups are related to the son of Gaddafi, Khamis," Ahmed Bani, a military spokesman for the National Transitional Council, told a news conference in Tripoli.
"We are expecting some militias in that area to use the geographical base to hide in. Our freedom fighters have taken control of that area. Our freedom fighters will not allow (another attack)," he said.
The attack comes as plans by new regime forces to launch a fresh assault on Gaddafi's hometown of Sirte appeared to be put on hold by Nato.
A day after entering the coastal city in a surprise assault, NTC fighters pulled back on the western side of the town.
"We were ordered to leave downtown Sirte because Nato has a mission to do there. We left after 7pm last night," front line fighter Ahmed Mohammed Tajuri told AFP.
------ Os combatentes do Conselho de Transição receberam ordens para deixar o centro de Sirte porque a NATO tinha uma missão para efectuar ali! A NATO é quem mais ordena...
+++++++ Se Ghadames é uma cidade meridional, como se afirma aqui, o que dizer de Ghat e de Murzuq, que ficam muito mais para baixo? Parece que o mapa da Líbia utilizado por certos jornalistas está muito incompleto, ignorando territórios que se situam 930 quilómetros a sul de Tripoli e de Sirte. Territórios esses nos quais elementos da família Kadhafi se poderão eventualmente mover como peixe na água.
sábado, 24 de setembro de 2011
De como a Líbia está a ser destruída
"There is no tomorrow" under a NATO sponsored Al Qaeda rebellion.
While a "pro-democracy" rebel government has been instated, the country has been destroyed.
Against the backdrop of war propaganda, Libya's economic and social achievements over the last thirty years, have been brutally reversed:
The [Libyan Arab Jamahiriya] has had a high standard of living and a robust per capita daily caloric intake of 3144. The country has made strides in public health and, since 1980, child mortality rates have dropped from 70 per thousand live births to 19 in 2009. Life expectancy has risen from 61 to 74 years of age during the same span of years. (FAO, Rome, Libya, Country Profile,)
According to sectors of the "Progressive Left" which have endorsed NATO's R2P mandate: "The mood across Libya, particularly in Tripoli, is absolutely —like there’s just a feeling of euphoria everywhere. People are incredibly excited about starting afresh. There’s a real sense of rebirth, a feeling that their lives are starting anew. (DemocracyNow.org, September 14, 2011 emphasis added)
The rebels are casually presented as "liberators". The central role of Al Qaeda affilated terrorists within rebel ranks is not mentioned.
"Starting afresh" in the wake of destruction? Fear and Social Despair, Countless Deaths and Atrocities, amply documented by the independent media.
No euphoria.... A historical reversal in the country's economic and social development has occurred. The achievements have been erased.
The NATO invasion and occupation marks the ruinous "rebirth" of Libya's standard of living That is the forbidden and unspoken truth: an entire Nation has been destabilized and destroyed, its people driven into abysmal poverty.
The objective of the NATO bombings from the outset was to destroy the country's standard of living, its health infrastructure, its schools and hospitals, its water distribution system.
And then "rebuild" with the help of donors and creditors under the helm of the IMF and the World Bank.
The diktats of the "free market" are a precondition for the instatement of a Western style "democratic dictatorship ".
About nine thousand strike sorties, tens of thousands of strikes on civilian targets including residential areas, government buildings, water supply and electricity generation facilities.
Prof. Michel Chossudovsky
While a "pro-democracy" rebel government has been instated, the country has been destroyed.
Against the backdrop of war propaganda, Libya's economic and social achievements over the last thirty years, have been brutally reversed:
The [Libyan Arab Jamahiriya] has had a high standard of living and a robust per capita daily caloric intake of 3144. The country has made strides in public health and, since 1980, child mortality rates have dropped from 70 per thousand live births to 19 in 2009. Life expectancy has risen from 61 to 74 years of age during the same span of years. (FAO, Rome, Libya, Country Profile,)
According to sectors of the "Progressive Left" which have endorsed NATO's R2P mandate: "The mood across Libya, particularly in Tripoli, is absolutely —like there’s just a feeling of euphoria everywhere. People are incredibly excited about starting afresh. There’s a real sense of rebirth, a feeling that their lives are starting anew. (DemocracyNow.org, September 14, 2011 emphasis added)
The rebels are casually presented as "liberators". The central role of Al Qaeda affilated terrorists within rebel ranks is not mentioned.
"Starting afresh" in the wake of destruction? Fear and Social Despair, Countless Deaths and Atrocities, amply documented by the independent media.
No euphoria.... A historical reversal in the country's economic and social development has occurred. The achievements have been erased.
The NATO invasion and occupation marks the ruinous "rebirth" of Libya's standard of living That is the forbidden and unspoken truth: an entire Nation has been destabilized and destroyed, its people driven into abysmal poverty.
The objective of the NATO bombings from the outset was to destroy the country's standard of living, its health infrastructure, its schools and hospitals, its water distribution system.
And then "rebuild" with the help of donors and creditors under the helm of the IMF and the World Bank.
The diktats of the "free market" are a precondition for the instatement of a Western style "democratic dictatorship ".
About nine thousand strike sorties, tens of thousands of strikes on civilian targets including residential areas, government buildings, water supply and electricity generation facilities.
Prof. Michel Chossudovsky
sexta-feira, 23 de setembro de 2011
Novo Presidente da República da Zâmbia
Michael Sata has been sworn in as Zambia's president after an upset election victory that has ushered in a handover of power in Africa's biggest copper producer.
Sata, the 74-year-old Zambian opposition leader, swept to victory on Friday on the back of voters hoping profits from the country's vast mineral deposits would finally make their way to the people.
Foreign mining firms were reassured by Sata that their investments would be safe, but he warned them to improve conditions for their Zambian workforce.
"Foreign investment is important to Zambia and we will continue to work with foreign investors who are welcome in the country ... but they need to adhere to the labour laws," Sata said after being sworn in following his defeat of former leader Rupiah Banda.
Zambians celebrated from the pre-dawn hours of Friday after Sata was declared the winner and painted the capital in the green and white int the colours of his Patriotic Front Party.
Al Jazeera's Gladys Njoroge, reporting from Lusaka, said people poured into the streets to applaud the victory win although the process was marred by violence due to delayed results and allegations of vote rigging.
Sata told the gathered crowd: "We should not allow violence to separate us. The gap between the rich and the poor is growing wider and we need to address that. I stand by the promise to change Zambia within 90 days."
Gracious defeat
In a continent where leaders are often reluctant to give up power, Banda tearfully conceded defeat, saying the people had spoken. His Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) party has run Zambia since one-party rule ended in 1991.
"Now is not the time for violence and retribution. Now is the time to unite and build tomorrow's Zambia together," he told a news conference.
In his concession speech, Banda may have been delivering a message to Zimbabwe, Malawi, Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where entrenched leaders have suppressed democracy or used deadly force to crush protests.
"My generation, the generation of the independence struggle, must now give way to new ideas; ideas for the 21st century," Banda said.
"Did we become gray and lacking in ideas? Did we lose momentum? Our duty now is to go away and reflect on any mistakes we may have made and learn from them. If we do not, we do not deserve to contest power again," the 74-year-old Banda said.
Election monitors from the European Union and regional groups declared the vote free and fair although protests broke out over the slow release of results.
Sata, nicknamed "King Cobra" because of outspokenness, toned down his rhetoric against foreign mining firms, especially those from China, in the closing stages of the six-week campaign but his victory could still make investors nervous.
Mining overhaul
Analysts said Sata would review contracts with foreign companies struck by Banda's administration, and could overhaul the country's mining, trade and banking regulations.
"Sata's upset victory will likely usher in a new era for a resource-nationalist mining sector policy," said Sebastian Spio-Garbrah, an analyst at Africa consultancy DaMina Advisors.
Ernest Sakala, Zambia's chief justice, declared Sata the winner after he received 1,150,045 votes compared with Banda's 961,796 with 95.3 per cent of constituencies counted. Sata received 43 per cent of the vote, which was also contested by many minor parties.
Sata has enjoyed a long and varied career that included stints in motor vehicle assembly plants in Britain and as a porter with British Rail before becoming a political activist under first president, Kenneth Kaunda.
"At long last, the will of the people has been respected. The people wanted change," said street vendor Peter Musonda.
Sata secured support among the youth on promises to create jobs and his criticism that Banda's government failed to let ordinary Zambians share in the proceeds from the country's copper mines.
China welcomed the outcome of the vote and said it would continue fostering cooperation.
Its companies have become major players in Zambia's $13 billion economy, with total investments by the end of 2010 topping $2 billion, according to data from the Chinese embassy.
But Sata has accused Chinese mining firms of creating slave labour conditions with scant regard for safety or the local culture.
Zambia's currency, the kwacha, fell 2.9 per cent to a 14-month-low of 5,150 against the dollar after Sata's victory and traders said it would remain vulnerable until he gave clearer indications on his future policies.
Regional praise
South Africa congratulated Sata on his election victory, saying the peaceful change of power bodes well for democracy on the continent.
"This bodes well for the consolidation of democratic culture on the continent and in Zambia particularly," South Africa's foreign ministry said in a statement.
"The South African government and its citizens reiterate its commitment to continue working with the government and the people of Zambia for the mutual benefit of the two countries," it said.
Zambia is South Africa's fourth-largest trading partner in Africa, with a total trading volume of $2.1 billion, according to the Zambia Chamber of Commerce.
Source: Agencies/AlJazeera
Sata, the 74-year-old Zambian opposition leader, swept to victory on Friday on the back of voters hoping profits from the country's vast mineral deposits would finally make their way to the people.
Foreign mining firms were reassured by Sata that their investments would be safe, but he warned them to improve conditions for their Zambian workforce.
"Foreign investment is important to Zambia and we will continue to work with foreign investors who are welcome in the country ... but they need to adhere to the labour laws," Sata said after being sworn in following his defeat of former leader Rupiah Banda.
Zambians celebrated from the pre-dawn hours of Friday after Sata was declared the winner and painted the capital in the green and white int the colours of his Patriotic Front Party.
Al Jazeera's Gladys Njoroge, reporting from Lusaka, said people poured into the streets to applaud the victory win although the process was marred by violence due to delayed results and allegations of vote rigging.
Sata told the gathered crowd: "We should not allow violence to separate us. The gap between the rich and the poor is growing wider and we need to address that. I stand by the promise to change Zambia within 90 days."
Gracious defeat
In a continent where leaders are often reluctant to give up power, Banda tearfully conceded defeat, saying the people had spoken. His Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) party has run Zambia since one-party rule ended in 1991.
"Now is not the time for violence and retribution. Now is the time to unite and build tomorrow's Zambia together," he told a news conference.
In his concession speech, Banda may have been delivering a message to Zimbabwe, Malawi, Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where entrenched leaders have suppressed democracy or used deadly force to crush protests.
"My generation, the generation of the independence struggle, must now give way to new ideas; ideas for the 21st century," Banda said.
"Did we become gray and lacking in ideas? Did we lose momentum? Our duty now is to go away and reflect on any mistakes we may have made and learn from them. If we do not, we do not deserve to contest power again," the 74-year-old Banda said.
Election monitors from the European Union and regional groups declared the vote free and fair although protests broke out over the slow release of results.
Sata, nicknamed "King Cobra" because of outspokenness, toned down his rhetoric against foreign mining firms, especially those from China, in the closing stages of the six-week campaign but his victory could still make investors nervous.
Mining overhaul
Analysts said Sata would review contracts with foreign companies struck by Banda's administration, and could overhaul the country's mining, trade and banking regulations.
"Sata's upset victory will likely usher in a new era for a resource-nationalist mining sector policy," said Sebastian Spio-Garbrah, an analyst at Africa consultancy DaMina Advisors.
Ernest Sakala, Zambia's chief justice, declared Sata the winner after he received 1,150,045 votes compared with Banda's 961,796 with 95.3 per cent of constituencies counted. Sata received 43 per cent of the vote, which was also contested by many minor parties.
Sata has enjoyed a long and varied career that included stints in motor vehicle assembly plants in Britain and as a porter with British Rail before becoming a political activist under first president, Kenneth Kaunda.
"At long last, the will of the people has been respected. The people wanted change," said street vendor Peter Musonda.
Sata secured support among the youth on promises to create jobs and his criticism that Banda's government failed to let ordinary Zambians share in the proceeds from the country's copper mines.
China welcomed the outcome of the vote and said it would continue fostering cooperation.
Its companies have become major players in Zambia's $13 billion economy, with total investments by the end of 2010 topping $2 billion, according to data from the Chinese embassy.
But Sata has accused Chinese mining firms of creating slave labour conditions with scant regard for safety or the local culture.
Zambia's currency, the kwacha, fell 2.9 per cent to a 14-month-low of 5,150 against the dollar after Sata's victory and traders said it would remain vulnerable until he gave clearer indications on his future policies.
Regional praise
South Africa congratulated Sata on his election victory, saying the peaceful change of power bodes well for democracy on the continent.
"This bodes well for the consolidation of democratic culture on the continent and in Zambia particularly," South Africa's foreign ministry said in a statement.
"The South African government and its citizens reiterate its commitment to continue working with the government and the people of Zambia for the mutual benefit of the two countries," it said.
Zambia is South Africa's fourth-largest trading partner in Africa, with a total trading volume of $2.1 billion, according to the Zambia Chamber of Commerce.
Source: Agencies/AlJazeera
terça-feira, 20 de setembro de 2011
As fracas autoridades líbias de transição
EAST OF SIRTE, Libya, Sept 20 (Reuters) - Libyan troops are unable to defeat forces loyal to deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi in the city of Sirte because the country's new rulers are failing to supply them with enough ammunition, fighters near the front line said on Tuesday.
In the latest reverse in weeks of chaotic fighting over Sirte, Gaddafi's birthplace and one of the last remaining bastions of his support, five anti-Gaddafi fighters were killed on Tuesday after they came under artillery fire.
More than a month after Gaddafi was swept from power, the interim government has still not stamped out the last pockets of resistance, prompting criticism over its lack of cohesion and raising fresh questions about whether it can run the oil exporting country effectively.
Fighters making their way back from the front line said they were meeting heavy resistance from loyalists at a place called Khamseen, 50 km (31 miles) east of Sirte, and were unable to respond because they lacked the firepower.
"The military base is not supporting us with enough ammunition," said Alnoufy Al-Ferjany, the commander of a military brigade called Martyrs of Alhawry.
He was at the hospital in Ras Lanuf, the nearest big settlement to the east of Sirte, after bringing in four of his comrades who were injured by mortar fire near Khamseen.
"We have presented a request but they have not responded and that is why we have a lot of people injured. We are on the front line and there isn't any ammunition. I experience this problem almost on a daily basis," Al-Ferjany told Reuters.
A Reuters reporter about 60 km (38 miles) to the east of Sirte, near the village of Harawa, saw ambulances and pick up trucks racing back from the front line, while artillery rounds fired by Gaddafi loyalists slammed into the ground.
In the back of one pick-up truck was a fighter with blood pouring from a head wound.
A small field hospital in Harawa had run out of space so three wounded fighters were being treated for wounds to their heads, legs and shoulders on stretchers outside.
---- Nem sequer toda a faixa litoral da Líbia caiu ainda em poder dos adversários de Khadafi. Quanto mais as terras situadas 290, 380, 860 quilómetros mais para sul, mais para o interior.
------ Será que alguns jornalistas nos irão pedir desculpas de coisas insensatas que andaram a escrever há 15 dias, sobre a "iminência da queda dos últimos bastiões" do coronel que foi abandonado pelos seus parceiros de há três/quatro anos?
------ Será que algumas televisões irão finalmente reconhecer que há uns 20 dias nos queriam levar ao engano, com o que andavam a anunciar e que não correspondia à realidade?
In the latest reverse in weeks of chaotic fighting over Sirte, Gaddafi's birthplace and one of the last remaining bastions of his support, five anti-Gaddafi fighters were killed on Tuesday after they came under artillery fire.
More than a month after Gaddafi was swept from power, the interim government has still not stamped out the last pockets of resistance, prompting criticism over its lack of cohesion and raising fresh questions about whether it can run the oil exporting country effectively.
Fighters making their way back from the front line said they were meeting heavy resistance from loyalists at a place called Khamseen, 50 km (31 miles) east of Sirte, and were unable to respond because they lacked the firepower.
"The military base is not supporting us with enough ammunition," said Alnoufy Al-Ferjany, the commander of a military brigade called Martyrs of Alhawry.
He was at the hospital in Ras Lanuf, the nearest big settlement to the east of Sirte, after bringing in four of his comrades who were injured by mortar fire near Khamseen.
"We have presented a request but they have not responded and that is why we have a lot of people injured. We are on the front line and there isn't any ammunition. I experience this problem almost on a daily basis," Al-Ferjany told Reuters.
A Reuters reporter about 60 km (38 miles) to the east of Sirte, near the village of Harawa, saw ambulances and pick up trucks racing back from the front line, while artillery rounds fired by Gaddafi loyalists slammed into the ground.
In the back of one pick-up truck was a fighter with blood pouring from a head wound.
A small field hospital in Harawa had run out of space so three wounded fighters were being treated for wounds to their heads, legs and shoulders on stretchers outside.
---- Nem sequer toda a faixa litoral da Líbia caiu ainda em poder dos adversários de Khadafi. Quanto mais as terras situadas 290, 380, 860 quilómetros mais para sul, mais para o interior.
------ Será que alguns jornalistas nos irão pedir desculpas de coisas insensatas que andaram a escrever há 15 dias, sobre a "iminência da queda dos últimos bastiões" do coronel que foi abandonado pelos seus parceiros de há três/quatro anos?
------ Será que algumas televisões irão finalmente reconhecer que há uns 20 dias nos queriam levar ao engano, com o que andavam a anunciar e que não correspondia à realidade?
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